Blackface
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Image:Minstrel_PosterBillyVanWare.jpg
This reproduction of a 1900
minstrel show poster, originally published by the Strobridge
Litho Co., shows the transformation from white to "black".
Blackface is a style of
theatrical makeup that originated in the
United States, used to affect the countenance of an
iconic,
racist American archetype that of the
darky or
coon. Blackface also refers to a genre of musical and comedic theatrical presentation in which blackface makeup is worn.
White blackface performers in the past used burnt
cork and later greasepaint or
shoe polish to blacken their skin and exaggerate their lips, often wearing
woolly wigs, gloves,
tailcoats, or ragged clothes to complete the transformation. Later,
black artists also performed in blackface.
Blackface was an important performance tradition in the
American theater for over 100 years and was also popular overseas. Stereotypes embodied in the stock characters of blackface
minstrelsy played a significant role in cementing and proliferating racist images, attitudes and perceptions worldwide. In some quarters, the
caricatures that were the legacy of blackface persist to the present day and are a cause of ongoing controversy.
By the mid-20th century, changing attitudes about race and racism effectively ended the prominence of blackface performance in the U.S. and elsewhere. However, it remains in relatively limited use as a theatrical device, mostly outside the U.S., and is more commonly used today as edgy social commentary or
satire. Perhaps the most enduring effect of blackface is the precedent it established in the introduction of
African American culture to an international audience, albeit through a distorted lens. Blackface minstrelsy's groundbreaking
appropriation,
exploitation, and
assimilation of African-American culture as well as the inter-ethnic artistic collaborations that stemmed from it were but a prologue to the lucrative packaging, marketing, and dissemination of African-American cultural expression and its myriad derivative forms in today's world popular culture.
History and the shaping of racist archetypes
Lewis Hallam, Jr., a white
comedic actor, brought blackface to prominence as a theatrical device when playing the role of an inebriated black man onstage in 1789. The play attracted notice, and other performers adopted the style. White
comedian Thomas D. Rice later popularized blackface, introducing the song "
Jump Jim Crow" accompanied by a dance in his stage act in 1828. The song had a
syncopated rhythm and purportedly recreated the dancing of a crippled
black stable hand, Jim Cuff, or "Jim Crow", whom Rice had seen in
Cincinnati, Ohio:
First on de heel tap, Den on the toe Every time I wheel about I jump Jim Crow. Wheel about and turn about An' do j's so. And every time I wheel about, I jump Jim Crow. 1823 sheet music
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Image:BlackfaceMinstrelsPostcard.jpg
This postcard, published circa 1908, shows a white minstrel team. While both are wearing wigs, the man on the left is in blackface and
drag.
Rice traveled the
U.S., performing under the
pseudonym "Daddy Jim Crow". The name later became attached to
statutes that further codified the reinstitution of
segregation and
discrimination after
Reconstruction.
Initially, blackface performers were part of traveling troupes who performed in
minstrel shows. In addition to music and dance, minstrel shows featured comical skits in which performers portrayed buffoonish, lazy, superstitious black characters who were cowardly and lascivious, who stole, lied pathologically, and mangled the English language. Such troupes in the early days of minstrelsy were all male, so cross-dressing white men also played black women who often were either unappealingly and grotesquely mannish; in the matronly,
mammy mold; or highly sexually provocative. At the time, the stage also featured comic
stereotypes of conniving, venal
Jews; cheap
Scotsmen; drunken
Irishmen; ignorant white
southerners; gullible rural folk and the like.
Minstrel shows were a very popular show business phenomenon in the U.S. from 1828 through the 1930s, also enjoying some popularity in the
UK and in other parts of
Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. As a result, the genre played an important role in shaping perceptions of and prejudices about blacks generally and
African Americans in particular. Some social commentators have stated that blackface provided an outlet for whites' fear of the unknown and the unfamiliar, and a socially acceptable way of expressing their feelings and fears about race and control. Writes Eric Lott in
Love and Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class, "The black mask offered a way to play with the collective fears of a degraded and threateningand maleOther while at the same time maintaining some symbolic control over them." (Lott, 25)
White minstrel shows featured white performers pretending to be blacks, playing their versions of black music and speaking
ersatz black dialects. Reminiscing about such shows he had seen in his youth, American humorist and author
Mark Twain commented in dictated notes almost 50 years later:
I suppose, the real
******-showthe genuine ******-show, the extravagant ******-showthe show which to me had no peer and whose peer has not yet arrived, in my experience. We have the grand
opera; and I have witnessed, and greatly enjoyed, the first act of everything which
Wagner created, but
the ******-show [is] a standard and a summit to whose rarefied altitude the other forms of musical art may not hope to reach.
The songs of
northern composer
Stephen Foster figured prominently in blackface minstrel shows of the period. Though written in dialect and certainly politically incorrect by today's standards, his later songs were free of the ridicule and blatantly racist caricatures that typified other songs of the genre. Foster's works treated
slaves and the
South in general with an often cloying sentimentality that appealed to audiences of the day.
By 1840, African-American performers also were performing in blackface makeup.
Frederick Douglass wrote in 1849 about one such troupe,
Gavitt's Original Ethiopian Serenaders: "It is something to be gained when the colored man in any form can appear before a white audience." Nonetheless, Douglass generally abhorred blackface and was one of the first people to write against the institution of blackface minstrelsy, condemning it as racist in nature, with inauthentic, northern, white origins.
When all-black minstrel shows began to proliferate the 1860s, however, they in turn often were billed as "authentic" and "the real thing". Despite often smaller budgets and smaller venues, their public appeal sometimes rivalled that of white minstrel troupes. In the execution of authentic black music and the
percussive,
polyrhythmic tradition of "pattin' Juba", when the only
instruments performers used were their hands and feet, clapping and slapping their bodies and shuffling and stomping their feet, black troupes particularly excelled. One of the most successful black minstrel companies was
Sam Hague's Slave Troupe of Georgia Minstrels, managed by
Charles Hicks. This company eventually was taken over by
Charles Callendar. The Georgia Minstrels toured the United States and abroad and later became
Haverly's Colored Minstrels.
African-American blackface productions also contained buffoonery and comedy, by way of self-parody. In the early days of African-American involvement in theatrical performance, blacks could not perform without blackface makeup, regardless of how dark-skinned they were, but blackface minstrelsy was a practical and often relatively lucrative livelihood when compared to the menial labor to which most blacks were relegated. Owing to the discrimination of the day, "corking (or "blacking") up" provided an often singular opportunity for African-American musicians, actors, and dancers to practice their crafts. Some minstrel shows, particularly when performing outside the South, also managed subtly to poke fun at the racist attitudes and double standards of white society or champion the
abolitionist cause. It was through blackface performers, white and black, that the richness and exuberance of
African-American music, humor, and dance first reached mainstream, white audiences in the U.S. and abroad.
Blackface remained a popular theatrical device well into the 20th century, crossing over from the minstrel troupe touring circuit to
vaudeville, to
motion pictures, then to
television. In the
Theater Owners Booking Association (TOBA), an all-black vaudeville circuit organized in 1909, blackface acts were a popular staple. Called "Toby" for short, performers also nicknamed it "Tough on Black Actors" (or, variously, "Artists" or "Asses"), because earnings were so meager. Still, TOBA headliners could make a very good living, and even for lesser players, TOBA provided fairly steady, more desirable work than generally was available elsewhere. Blackface served as a springboard for hundreds of artists and entertainersblack and whitemany of whom later would go on to find work in other performance traditions. In fact, one of the most famous stars of Haverly's European Minstrels was
Sam Lucas, who became known as the "Grand Old Man of the
Negro Theatre". It was Lucas who later played the title role in the first cinematic production of
Harriet Beecher Stowe's
Uncle Tom's Cabin.
Many well-known entertainers of stage and screen
also performed in blackface, including
Al Jolson,
Eddie Cantor,
Bing Crosby and
Bob Hope, as well as actor and comedian
Bert Williams, who was the first black performer in vaudeville and on
Broadway. But apart from cultural references such as those seen in theatrical cartoons, onstage blackface essentially was eliminated in the U.S. post-vaudeville, when public sensibilities regarding
race began to change and blackface became increasingly associated with
racism and
bigotry.